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Israel Asks Tunisia to Protect Its Jewish Citizens As Fears For Their Safety Increase

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The Lag Ba'Omer procession returning to the Ghriba Synagogue in Er-Riadh, Djerba, Tunisia, May, 2007. Photo: Wikipedia

Ynet – The Israeli Foreign Ministry has instructed Israel‘s representatives abroad to ask the international community to pressure Tunisian government officials to safeguard the North African country’s Jewish community, heritage and property.

The order was issued following fears for Tunisia’s 2,000 Jews due to the hostile anti-Israel atmosphere in the country and anti-Semitic statements made by religious clerics.

Read full story.


Israeli Study: More Than a Third of European Jews Fear Wearing Kippah in Public

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Monument "Lashoa velagvora" ("to the Holocaust and to the Bravery") (1974) by Yigal Tumarkin in Rabin Square, Tel Aviv. Photo: wiki commons.

A disturbing study conducted on behalf of the Israeli government confirms a marked rise in anti-Semitism across Europe, Israeli daily Walla reported on Sunday.

According to the report, Jews throughout the continent are rapidly assimilating into non-Jewish society as a result of the intimation they increasingly feel, Walla said.

While the number of crimes targeting Jews or Jewish institutions around the world did not increase over the last year, the survey highlighted several alarming statistics regarding the attitudes and fears of European Jewry.

Conducted by the European Union Agency for Fundamental Rights in nine countries in Europe, the poll revealed that 23 percent of European Jews avoid attending Jewish-themed events or Jewish institutions for fear of being harassed on the way; 38 percent will not wear any obviously Jewish accessories when out in public, such as a Kippah, and 66 percent perceive anti-Semitism as a substantial and constant factor affecting the quality of their lives.

Most troubling, 77 percent of those surveyed said they have so little faith in local authorities that they did not report any incidents of anti-Semitism that they had experienced over the last year.

According to the report, “The anti-Semitic atmosphere is being fanned by the growing popularity of anti-Semitic thought and commentary on various social networks, anti-Semitic demonstrations and events, as well as the [possibility of] dissemination of anti-Semitic rants to masses of people around the world, with the click of a button.”

In summation, the study shows that Europe’s Jews are more pessimistic about their future than they are willing to admit and that Jews all over the continent do not feel safe, Walla said.

The main points of the survey are included in the Jewish People Policy Institute’s Annual Assessment report, which was presented to the Israeli government on Sunday by Minister for Jerusalem and Diaspora Affairs Naftali Bennett.

“Contrary to what people think, anti-Semitism does not bring the Diaspora Jews closer to Israel,” said Minister Bennett in response to the release of the survey’s findings. “For every Jew who comes to Israel because of the anti-Semitic environment [in his or her country of origin], there are many who make another decision, which is to stay behind and sever all connections to Jewish life – the quiet consequences of anti-Semitism.”

The Israeli government’s report on anti-Semitism was made public one day before the world commemorates International Holocaust Day on Monday.

No Second Thoughts: Immigrants to Israel Don’t Regret Dropping Extra Passover Seder

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An immigrant seder.

JNS.orgRather than feeling a sense of loss, leaving the second Passover seder behind in the U.S., or France, or Turkey, or any other country of origin is touted as a perk of living in Israel that new immigrants to the Jewish state (olim) mention in the same breath as the universal availability of fresh pita and falafel.

But why do Diaspora Jews mutter to themselves while they’re dragging out the matzo balls for their return engagement at seder No. 2? Why, since the Torah is crystal clear that Passover is to last seven days, do Diaspora Jews have to tack on the eighth day, and the second seder? And why don’t Israelis need to do that?

For the answer, one has to look up—to the moon—because the Jewish calendar is a lunar affair. In the old days, witnesses needed to testify that they saw the new moon, thereby fixing the date that each month began (since the months could be either 29 or 30 days long). Consequently, without that expert testimony, those far removed from Jerusalem would not be informed when the month began—hence the timing of the holidays in the Diaspora. Since there is a day on each side of possible error, the ancient Jewish sages wisely tacked on an extra day to the festivals, as one of the first two days was bound to be right. In Israel, of course, no such precaution was necessary. Thanks to those witnesses, they knew the right day.

Although communications are vastly improved since the days of the Sanhedrin (the Jewish supreme court in Jerusalem), the custom in Diaspora communities of celebrating an extra day of Passover, and other festivals such as Sukkot, has remained in force. (Note: Rosh Hashanah is the one exception, as the Jewish New Year is celebrated everywhere for two days).

The 30 years since Gary (“Gary the Guide”) Kamen made aliyah from Chicago have, if only in this one respect, been nothing short of bliss. “Did I miss the second seder? Not for an instant,” grins Kamen, whom JNS.org caught up with outside Jaffa Gate in Jerusalem’s Old City, where he was rounding up his tour group. Growing up with divorced parents, it was always the first seder with Dad and his family and the second seder with Mom and hers. Or vice versa. Now it’s one seder for family and friends alike, and then a dive directly into chol hamoed—the intermediate days of the holiday. Here in Israel, that’s a full five days (not four as in the Diaspora), during a time of year when olive blossoms burst into bloom and the air and lakes warm up appreciably.

“You know what a mechayah (“pleasure” in Yiddish) is? That first Pesach here was a mechayah!” added Kamen’s fellow tour guide Allan Younger, in a distinctly Scottish brogue. Even 20-plus years later, the memories are still fresh.

“I can remember what it was like for the first time not having to start all over again and drag out the leftovers like we had to back in Scotland,” he adds. “The truth is, day-old tsimmis (an Ashkenazi stew made from carrots, dried fruit, vegetables, and meat) does not taste good.”

Baila Brown says she too will never forget her first seder as an Israeli citizen. She had made aliyah from Massachusetts and had just moved into her new apartment in Jerusalem. Waiting for her son to return so they could begin their seder, she stood in her courtyard listening to the children in the adjoining apartments singing the Four Questions. “It was such an amazing sound. I knew at that moment that I had arrived,” she says.

As for the second seder, Brown says that, as much as she was accustomed to it in the States, “It’s as if we don’t need it here… the one we do have is such a powerful telling of the story right here in the part of the world where it all happened.” And as those neighborhood children chanting the four questions illustrated, the seder “is a communal and shared experience here in a way it can’t be there,” she explains.

“And here you can really experience Passover as a spring holiday, something you don’t feel in New England where it’s still cold at that time of the year,” Brown says.

New York native and coauthor of “Doublelife – One Family, Two Faiths and a Journey of Hope,” Harold Berman also remembers the first Passover after he and his family arrived in Efrat five years ago. “The word that kept coming to mind was ‘natural,'” he recalls. “It seemed so natural to tell the story just once. Once you have experienced it, it stays with you. After all, in America, we never had Thanksgiving dinner two nights in row.”

By the way, visitors to Israel, unless they own property there, still need to keep the second day of the holiday even when the Israelis around them are throwing the bathing suits into the car and heading off for their vacations. Yes, that means the visitors need to hold a second seder, complete with seder plate, four cups of wine, and the reading of the Haggadah with as much respect and focus as the night before.

Maybe, after singing “Chad Gadya” and draining the fourth cup of wine at that second seder, these visitors will want to amend the traditional seder-ending promise of “Next year in Jerusalem” by adding “… this time as an Israeli citizen.”

Peace Now or Never?

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U.S. Secretary of State John Kerry, Israeli Justice Minister Tzipi Livni, and Palestinian Chief Negotiator Saeb Erekat. Photo: State Department.

Respected Ha’aretz journalist Ari Shavit has made a startling confession: he was wrong about the prospects for peace with the Palestinians that he, like so many Israelis and diaspora Jews on the left, has vigorously advocated. Ever since Labor party politician Yossi Beilin revealed, for his private scrutiny, the peace plan to which Mahmoud Abbas had ostensibly agreed seventeen years ago, Shavit has been a true believer in peace now.

As he recently wrote (April 24): “people as steadfast as us don’t give up on our dreams.” Despite the subsequent failure of the Camp David peace summit (2000), Abbas’s failure to sign the Geneva Accord (2003), and his refusal to accept Ehud Olmert’s virtual surrender offer (2008), the Israeli Left  swallowed one hollow Palestinian promise after another. “Have we opened our eyes?” Shavit asks, before providing the obvious answer: “Of course not.” Relentlessly blaming Prime Minister Netanyahu and his Likud party for every failure in the current so-called peace process, the gullible Left believed that  Abbas surely would not dare to say no to John Kerry. But it was, once again, wrong.

“The Palestinian president’s position is clear and consistent,” Shavit finally understands: “The Palestinians must not be required to make concessions.” Shavit  wisely, if  belatedly, concludes that “twenty years of fruitless talks have led to nothing.” But many others, he claims, “haven’t learned a thing. They’re still allowing Abbas to make fools of them, as they wait for the Palestinian Godot, who will never show up.”

Surely the leading candidate for the Fool Award, even as he relentlessly pursues the Nobel Prize, is Secretary of State John Kerry. By now, his strategy is as obvious as it is absurd: whenever Abbas flees from negotiations, blame Israel. But Kerry’s prophecy of imminent Israeli doom if the Jewish State fails to follow his prescription has by now become as stale as it is malevolent. Last year Kerry predicted a third intifada if Israel remained recalcitrant. Then he warned that if negotiations failed, the Boycott, Divestment and Sanction Movement against Israel would succeed. He followed with the erroneous statement that “demographics are on the Palestinian side” if Israel does not yield to Palestinian demands.

The most recent example of Kerry’s animus came during his appearance before the Trilateral Commission. According to Josh Rogin of The Daily Beast, who obtained a recording of the Secretary’s statement, Kerry outrageously proclaimed that if Israel did not make peace soon, it could become “an apartheid state.” But the Secretary did not bestow an apartheid label on the Palestinian Authority, which has vowed not to permit a single Jew to live within its borders. It is worth noting that before he became President even Barack Obama, not known then or since for his warm embrace of Israel, rejected the “emotionally loaded, historically inaccurate” reference to Israel as an “apartheid state.”

But that was only the beginning of Kerry’s doom-and-gloom diatribe. If Israel balked at an agreement, he continued, its citizens might confront a new wave of Palestinian violence. The conflict, after all, was Israel’s fault for building settlements. Kerry seemed oblivious to Palestinian unwillingness to make peace with the Jewish state in 1948 or  1967, before the first settlement was built – or as long ago as 1937, when the British Mandatory Authority proposed a draconian partition of the Jewish homeland that Palestinians instantly rejected.

It is hardly news that the Secretary of State has abdicated his responsibility as a fair-minded peacemaker, the better to bludgeon Israel. More noteworthy, and praiseworthy,  is Ari Shavit’s evident readiness to relinquish his own deeply embedded leftist political fantasies in light of Palestinian realities that persistently elude John Kerry.

Jerold S. Auerbach is the author of Jewish State Pariah Nation: Israel and the Dilemmas of Legitimacy, just published by Quid Pro Books.

New Play Explores the ‘Arrogance’ of American Jews Critical of Israel, Playwright Says

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Playwright Oren Safdie. Photo: Wikipedia.

In his new play Mr. Goldberg Goes to Tel Aviv, playwright Oren Safdie tackles an issue that is a cause of great concern to him: the relationship between Israelis and left-leaning Diaspora Jews with their “I know better” critical views.

At the heart of the one-act play is Tony, a Jewish and gay Palestinian sympathizer who expresses strong anti-Israel sentiments when the play begins and at one point even sides with a Palestinian terrorist who holds him captive. Tony, who is also an award-winning author, arrives in Tel Aviv to give a speech but things don’t pan out so smoothly for him. His scheduled trip to Gaza has been blocked by the Israeli government, he deals with an obnoxious hotel waiter fresh out of the Israeli army who brings him cold tea, and then finds himself at the center of a major operation to assassinate an Israeli minister. Up until the final moment there is enough suspense and drama to fill the hotel room where the entire play takes place.

On the surface, Mr. Goldberg Goes to Tel Aviv shows the struggle between a Jew, Tony, and a Palestinian extremist. But Safdie said the real “battle” in the play has a lot more to do with Israelis versus a growing Jewish diaspora critical of Israel. “The people more like the liberal Jewish community in North America versus the Israeli perspective,” he explained.

In an interview with The Algemeiner, Safdie talked about how bothered he is by American Jews and their sense of “arrogance, thinking that they know better” than those living in Israel. He asked, “Why is there a need to second guess Israelis who live in the middle of this small country surrounded by enemies?”

“I don’t see them protesting and speaking out against the leaders of many more brutal countries than Israel but they think because they are Jewish they have a special responsibility like some ‘holier than thou father’ that they can set them straight,” he said. “The truth is the Israeli population is very diverse, well educated [and] experienced. And how somebody who lives in a little brownstone in Brooklyn can question what 80 percent of Israelis believe is so annoying to me. Arrogance to me is one of the worst traits in people and to me there is nothing more arrogant than that.”

Mr. Goldberg Goes to Tel Aviv was inspired by two events, according to Safdie. One was the failed boycott against Israeli films during the Toronto Film Festival several years ago, promoted by several Jewish-Canadian artists and writers. The second was the controversial public reading of the play Seven Jewish Children that took place at the New York Theatre Workshop and Theatre J in Washington, which was organized by Tony Kushner. Many Jews found the play to be anti-Semitic since it correlated Israeli settlers with Nazi Germany. In defense, Kushner claimed that open dialogue would benefit everyone. Safdie said that during one talk-back following a reading of the play, an audience member asked Kushner where he would feel more comfortable living as a Jewish homosexual, Tel Aviv or Gaza? Kushner had no reply.

Safdie believes that when Jews speak out against Israel they give cover for non-Jews, “like the Jimmy Carters,” to also denounce the Jewish state. He asserted that if one person makes it alright for people to be critical of Israel, and that person happens to be Jewish, others will follow suit, saying, “OK, if they’re saying it, we can say it too.”

“I hold them responsible for other things when other leaders in influential places come out with just the craziest accusations against Israel. They are being allowed to do that because of the Jewish people in prominent places who came out before them,” he added. “That’s why I wanted to start off with this character who in a sense is going to Israel to give a lecture, to meet in Gaza with the leaders there, and I think through the play he learns a certain lesson. He falls in the middle of this terrorist plot to assassinate the Housing Minister and he tries to show this Palestinian that he is on his side…but things turn.”

Tony’s allegiance shifts at one point during the play, though audiences are left asking if it is genuine or merely done for survival. The play’s third character, the hotel waiter, then risks his life to save Tony regardless of how poorly he treated him. His actions symbolize something that people do not value enough about Israelis, Safdie said.

“To me that was indicative that, despite being criticized by many American Jews, Israelis would go out of their way in a sense to defend their country, which, in a sense, protects American Jews when they don’t even realize it,” he said. “The fact that American Jews know that Israel is there and will always be there no matter what, I don’t think they appreciate that very much.”

The first staged reading of Mr. Goldberg Goes to Tel Aviv was on Dec. 6 at the Rialto Theatre in Montreal as part of their Pipeline Series.

Study: Many Diaspora Jews Doubt Israel Wants Peace, But Affirm IDF’s Morality

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A JPPI study shows Diaspora Jews increasingly doubt that Israel wants peace with the Palestinians. Photo: Screenshot.

A JPPI study shows Diaspora Jews increasingly doubt that Israel wants peace with the Palestinians. Photo: Screenshot.

JNS.org – Diaspora Jews increasingly doubt that Israel wants peace with the Palestinians and are growing more uneasy about discussing Israel in their local communities, a new wide-ranging study has found.

According to a study by the Jewish People Policy Institute (JPPI) titled “Jewish Values and Israel’s Use of Force in Armed Conflict: Perspectives from World Jewry,”many Jews around the world “doubt that Israel truly wishes to reach a peace settlement with the Palestinians, and few believe it is making the necessary effort to achieve one.”

The survey also found that it has become “increasingly difficult” for Jewish communities to discuss Israel “because of the bitter political disputes these discussions spark.”

“This difficulty may lead to the exclusion of Israel from Diaspora community agendas, and is an obstacle to communicating Israel’s actions and policies to the Jewish public within a sympathetic communal framework,” the study said.

But the study also found that many Diaspora Jews agree that Israel is in a difficult position and approve “of the way Israel and the IDF use force in asymmetrical confrontations.”

Additionally, many Diaspora Jews believe that the IDF has a “high moral caliber,” and most agree that the IDF is the “world’s most moral army.”

The JPPI offered a number of recommendations, including that Israel should take into account how its use of force afral army” should be culfects relations between Diaspora Jews and the non-Jewish world. The institute suggested that Israel listen to criticism of its public relations efforts by Diaspora Jews, and argued the IDF’s image as a “motivated and preserved by not undermining that image through statements or messages. Israel should foster greater interaction between IDF soldiers and Diaspora Jewish communities, said the JPPI, which conducted the survey through 40 discussion groups and seminars as well as questionnaires with Jewish communities around the world.

Fiamma Nirenstein’s Loyalty

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Former Italian MP and author Fiamma Nirenstein is Israel's new ambassador to Italy. Photo: Wikimedia Commons.

Former Italian MP and author Fiamma Nirenstein is Israel’s new ambassador to Italy. Photo: Wikimedia Commons.

This week’s announcement that Fiamma Nirenstein was being appointed Israeli ambassador to Italy ‎made waves on both sides of the Mediterranean.‎

Nobody is better suited than Nirenstein for this role — particularly in the wake of the signing of the ‎P5+1 agreement with Iran — due to her proven ability to create bipartisan support for Israel. Prime ‎Minister Benjamin Netanyahu ought to be lauded for recognizing this fact and acting on it. ‎

No wonder the Left is not pleased.‎

But because Nirenstein’s knowledge of international affairs and experience in the political/diplomatic ‎sphere are as vast as they are solid, what the media came up with to cast aspersions on her ‎appointment was to call her “loyalty” into question. More specifically, it was to suggest that Italian ‎Jews fear they will be accused of “dual loyalty” if Nirenstein takes up the post.‎

‎”Dual loyalty” is an antisemitic term applied to Diaspora Jews whose support for Israel is unwavering ‎to the point of not being critical enough to satisfy detractors. The The Obama administration is now insinuating charges of dual loyalty against any Jewish Americans who oppose the nuclear deal — as though Israel’s endangerment is the ‎only hitch in the otherwise acceptable agreement, and the sole cause of a potential congressional ‎rejection of it.‎

If Nirenstein were not the target of such vile hype right now, she would be the perfect person to ‎explain its roots and warn against its deeper meaning — something she has done throughout her ‎career as a journalist, academic, author and politician. Indeed, during the many years of our close ‎friendship and professional association, she has been a source of endless enlightenment about the ‎resurgence of post-World War II antisemitism in Europe, global terrorism and the link between them.‎

To get a better grasp of who she is and what is behind the attempt to discredit her, a bit of background ‎is in order.‎

She is the daughter of the late Aharon “Nir” Nirenstein, a Holocaust historian and long-time Al ‎Hamishmar correspondent — who came to Palestine in 1936 from Poland, and went to Italy in 1945 ‎with the British Army’s Jewish Brigade — and Corriere della Sera journalist Wanda Lattes. Raised in a ‎Zionist household, Nirenstein was an ardent communist in her youth. She describes that period as one ‎in which she got caught up in the “mental corruption that caused my generation to attribute the ‎world’s ills to capitalist imperialism.”‎

Her political shift began in the 1960s, in response to the radical climate that was enveloping Europe and ‎America, “You cannot run away from reality indefinitely,” Nirenstein said, in a 2007 interview I ‎conducted with her for The Jerusalem Post. “Ultimately, you have to know what’s right in terms of ‎values, and be courageous about standing up for them.”‎

The peg for the interview was one of her many best-selling books, “Israele Siamo Noi” — “Israel Is Us” — an appeal to Europeans to emulate Israeli democracy, and to understand, as she put it, that “Israel is ‎the avant-garde of the West.”‎

Nirenstein ended up in Israel in the late 1980s, where she worked for the next 20 years as a foreign ‎correspondent, dividing her time between Rome and her home in Jerusalem, with her Israeli husband, ‎Ofer Eshed, a TV news videographer. ‎

In 2008, she was elected to the Italian Parliament under the government of Silvio Berlusconi, and ‎served as the deputy chairman of the Foreign Affairs Committee. When her term was up in 2013, she ‎returned to Israel, this time as a new immigrant.‎

She has never concealed her passion for Israel, a country she says is “filled with heroes.” And human ‎rights. And the ability to retain its democratic principles even while forced, repeatedly, to go to war. ‎Conveying this message is precisely what an Israeli envoy abroad should be doing. One who speaks ‎the language and knows the culture of the country to which he is dispatched makes such a mission ‎even more effective.‎

The only thing remotely problematic about Nirenstein’s appointment, then, lies in the irony that her ‎recent official immigration to Israel is accompanied by returning to Italy for the next few years. Now ‎she will do so after relinquishing her Italian citizenship, however, as is required of Israeli diplomats ‎born elsewhere.‎

If the Jewish community in Italy is worried about backlash from this move, it is not Nirenstein they ‎should be countering, but rather the anti-Semitic climate that is causing their angst. In any case, she ‎claims that reports of its hysteria are being widely exaggerated, judging by the massive amount of ‎enthusiasm she has encountered — on the part of Italian Jews and non-Jews across the political and ‎cultural spectrum — since the announcement of her appointment.‎

Indeed, it is the anti-Netanyahu Left, in both countries, whose voices are loudest and headlines most ‎sensational. No surprise there. Merely another among a myriad of reasons to welcome the pick.‎

Ruthie Blum is the web editor of Voice of Israel talk radio (voiceofisrael.com).‎ This article was originally published by Israel Hayom.

Defending Israel to Diaspora Jews at Limmud

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An Israeli flag at the Wailing Wall. Ruthie Blum argues: "Being a Jew outside of Israel today, especially in Europe, means being exposed to all the hatred and physical danger that radical Islamists and fellow travelers pose -- without the safety that living in a Jewish state provides." Photo: Wikimedia Commons.

An Israeli flag at the Wailing Wall. Ruthie Blum argues: “Being a Jew outside of Israel today, especially in Europe, means being exposed to all the hatred and physical danger that radical Islamists and fellow travelers pose — without the safety that living in a Jewish state provides.” Photo: Wikimedia Commons.

I spent the last days of 2015 meeting with British Jews in Birmingham. Along with many presenters from different countries and professional fields, I had been invited to participate in a Limmud conference, a multi-annual — and by now multi-continental — Jewish happening.

The topics on my agenda were ostensibly varied: the viability of a two-state solution; flaws in the Israeli political system; Israel-US relations in the wake of the Iran deal; the cause and effect of the knife intifada; and whether antisemitism is sufficient impetus for immigration to Israel. Still, they all came down to basically the same debate — the extent of Israeli culpability in local and global affairs.

The Paris attacks were still fresh in everyone’s mind, and the heightened security in other European capitals was so palpable that it made Israel’s pale in comparison — as reports on the cancellation of public New Year’s Eve celebrations indicated. Nevertheless, the atmosphere at Limmud was upbeat. Attendees spent good money to live in not-so-luxurious conditions at a hotel repurposed to house the dozens of simultaneous lectures, classes, singles’ events and entertainment for both adults and children. This was a crowd of some 2,500 Jews who could have spent the week after Christmas doing anything they chose. And they opted to spend it reinforcing their sense of community and dedication. Impressive doesn’t begin to describe it.

So far so good. Except for the sad specific reason that I and a handful of like-minded people from Israel and abroad were brought there by one of the members of the organizing committee: to serve as the only voice not singing in the predominantly left-wing choir.

British-Jewish intellectual Jonathan Neumann said so in plain English, and each of us rallied for the cause in his or her own way. My method was to hammer home the fact that Israel is neither to blame for the ills of the Middle East and beyond nor responsible for curing them.

As simple and straightforward as such a message should be, it was not received well by a majority of the Jews I addressed. The small minority who was relieved to have its grasp of this reality reinforced nodded when I spoke. And it was actually for them that I made the trip. Aware that my ability to persuade those with an opposing worldview has always been nil, my words — whether expressed verbally or in print — are aimed at people who need no convincing but feel lonely in their convictions. It is an unpleasant sensation with which I am utterly familiar.

Indeed, one need not live in the Diaspora to experience it. On the contrary, Israel is filled with Jews whose collective cries of mea culpa are not reserved for Yom Kippur. Nor does the fact that Israelis are on the military, political and spiritual front lines of the war against the West in general and the Jewish people in particular give us greater license to be critical.

Being a Jew outside of Israel today, especially in Europe, means being exposed to all the hatred and physical danger that radical Islamists and fellow travelers pose — without the safety that living in a Jewish state provides. This is not merely due to possessing an army, but to being surrounded by an entire population in the same boat. No wonder the French Jews who made aliyah during the 2014 war in Gaza said they felt more at peace running to bomb shelters in Tel Aviv during Hamas missile attacks than walking the streets of France.

The Jews of Britain are another story, however, and not only because many of them claim antisemitism is not on the rise in the UK. Though statistics say otherwise, individuals whose anecdotal evidence runs counter to the dry numbers should be heeded as well.

My own “anecdotal evidence” is that the attitude toward Israel among British Jews is that because they consider themselves to be held accountable in their society for “bad” Israeli behavior, they want Israel to stop engaging in practices that reflect negatively on them. And it is this ill ease above all that shapes their political views. It is thus that they are both affected by the boycott, divestment and sanctions movement and end up abetting it, albeit unwittingly in most cases.

So deeply rooted is this malaise on their part that a young man attending one of my lectures had the gall to suggest that perhaps Israeli Border Police should not shoot to kill Palestinians in the act of committing stabbing attacks, but rather aim for their limbs. You know, because dead Arab teenagers don’t look good on the BBC.

The most striking thing about such a shocking question is that it came from someone who was not taking issue with the Israeli soldiers — whose predicament he said he understood — but with how they are portrayed in the anti-Israel press. As though somehow the Jewish state would be given a pass if it adhered to the script of its enemies.

My ultra-emphatic reply to this person, which I tried, rather unsuccessfully, to keep at a reasonable decibel level, was drowned out by the applause in an adjacent room, where a member of Breaking the Silence was accusing his comrades in the IDF of war crimes.

Ruthie Blum is the web editor of The Algemeiner (algemeiner.com). This article was originally published by Israel Hayom.


In Time for Purim, Israel Welcomes Poles Who Discovered Hidden Jewish Roots

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The Polish participants of the Shavei Israel-organized trip on their first day in Israel. Photo: Shavei Israel.

The Polish participants of the Shavei Israel-organized trip on their first day in Israel. Photo: Shavei Israel.

JNS.org – Fifteen Poles who have discovered their Jewish heritage arrived in Israel on Tuesday in time for the Purim holiday as part of a trip organized by Shavei Israel, an organization working to reconnect Diaspora Jews with Israel.

Many young Poles who were raised as Christians have been discovering their Jewish roots in recent years. Their heritage was likely hidden due to their families trying to survive the Holocaust, or during the country’s former era of Communist rule.

“Purim revolves around the heroism of the biblical Queen Esther, who was forced to conceal her Jewish identity for many years before proudly reasserting it,” said Shavei Israel’s founder and chairman, Michael Freund.

“What better way for the young Hidden Jews of Poland to connect with their Jewish heritage than to experience Israel during this spiritually joyous and lively time,” he added.

The Polish group is visiting Jerusalem, Tel Aviv, and other parts of the country.

Young Diaspora Jews Learn About Holocaust Through Unique Israeli Perspective

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Students at the Alexander Muss High School in Israel visit Auschwitz. Photo: Courtesy Jewish National Fund.

Students at the Alexander Muss High School in Israel visit Auschwitz. Photo: Courtesy Jewish National Fund.

JNS.org – Holocaust Remembrance Day, or Yom HaShoah in Hebrew, challenges Israelis to acknowledge, remember, and respect the impact of such a dark time in Jewish and global history. Foreigners who find themselves on holiday in Israel during this day of observance are oftent taken aback at how an entire country is able to come to a standstill and complete silence, while sirens wail marking the date.

The observance of Yom HaShoah doesn’t stop with the sirens. Educational programs, ceremonies, and intimate conversations with survivors and their families are just some of the ways in which Israel and Israelis recall the horrific days of the Holocaust. For Jewish American students at the Jewish National Fund-sponsored Alexander Muss High School in Israel, their experience is even more unique—the students learn about the Holocaust as Israeli students do.

AMHSI-JNF provides a semester abroad in Israel for American high school students grades 10-12. While students’ course load includes core classes, like math and science, they also learn much more. “We try very hard to get the students to strengthen their Jewish identity and their connection to Judaism through Israel, the land, and its history,” said Danny Stein, 31, a history teacher at AMHSI-JNF.

Currently, 61 high schoolers from public schools across the U.S. are taking part in a four-month program at the school’s Hod HaSharon campus, located just outside cosmopolitan Tel Aviv. Students study Jewish history daily and spend half of their learning time on-site, experiencing history firsthand. “We start with the Torah, also referred to as the first five books of Moses in the Old Testament, and end with present-day Israel,” Stein said.

The students’ journey begins with two intense days in Israel, one studying the history of World War II and the beginnings of the Holocaust, and the second spent at Israel’s national Holocaust museum in Jerusalem, Yad Vashem. While at Yad Vashem, students explore the somber exhibition halls with a guide and also attend a talk given by a Holocaust survivor.

Students wrestle with many difficult questions about Jewish identity, history, and the Holocaust during this trip. “They process how to interpret and find meaning in their experience at Yad Vashem and how to turn it into something they can build on,” explained Reuven Spero, an AMHSI-JNF faculty member.

But this is where a typical Holocaust education program has a twist: as soon as the students finish their visit to Yad Vashem, they get on a plane and spend a week in Poland. “We try to help the students connect to the Holocaust intellectually and emotionally,” Stein said. Students visit concentration camps, synagogues, and cemeteries all over Poland, but they also get an immersion in what life was like pre-WWII in the rich and vibrant Jewish communities that were once a large part of Poland’s national fabric. They walk away with a very personal and deeper understanding of what was lost in the Holocaust.

Upon their return to Israel, students continue with their lessons in Jewish history and visit Independence Hall, and continue to learn about the creation and the current modern State of Israel. “Where students were singing the Hatikvah (Israel’s national anthem) in a concentration camp just a few days ago, now they’re singing it in Independence Hall where the State of Israel was officially proclaimed,” said Stein.

Ellen Sussman, a 17-year-old student from Hopkins High School in Golden Valley, Minn., said of her trip to Yad Vashem and Poland, “It moves me just knowing what the Jewish people went through and how they stuck with their beliefs and values through it all. It’s really amazing that people made it through the Holocaust, and it makes me proud to be a Jew.”

Israel and Diaspora Jewry – A Looming Crisis

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An Israeli flag at the Western Wall in Jerusalem. Israel has clearly emerged as the guarantor of the continuity of Jewish life, according to Isi Leibler. Photo: Wikimedia Commons.

An Israeli flag at the Western Wall in Jerusalem. Israel has clearly emerged as the guarantor of the continuity of Jewish life, according to Isi Leibler. Photo: Wikimedia Commons.

The Jewish world, both in Israel and the Diaspora, is undergoing dramatic demographic and ideological changes.

The past decades have witnessed a steep decline in the power and influence of Diaspora Jews. Israel’s centrality to Jewish life and the ties which link Jews in the Diaspora to Israel are facing considerable stress.

Yet Israel has clearly emerged as the guarantor of the continuity of Jewish life.

It has empowered the Jewish people. It has absorbed Jews from all corners of the world – ranging from Holocaust survivors to Jews from Arab countries, from Soviet Jews to Ethiopian Jews – and miraculously molded them into a resilient nation. The Jewish state has also now evolved into an extraordinary economic power house outperforming most economies throughout the world as well as becoming a major military force.

Despite the media sensationalizing major rifts in Israeli society, there is today a greater consensus throughout the nation in relation to peace with our neighbors than has been the case since the country became bitterly divided over the Oslo Accords. The overwhelming majority seek separation from the Palestinians but recognizes that this cannot be achieved in the absence of security and a peace partner. This is the approach of all Zionist parties.

Aside from the Joint Arab party, those opposed to this approach comprise of a dwindling, now almost fringe group of deluded leftists who attract disproportionate attention with their extremist views publicized by the post-Zionist Haaretz, and right wing radicals seeking to annex the territories, despite the fact that this would transform Israel into a bi-national state – another Lebanon.

In contrast to the accelerating alienation from Judaism among Diaspora Jews, Israel, over the past few decades, has – aside from the ultra-orthodox upsurge – undergone a revolutionary revival of spiritual awakening accompanied by increased religious observance. The Sephardi respect for tradition has led to a greater appreciation of religion and Jewish heritage throughout all streams of society. The aggressive secularism and polarization between the religious and secular streams of the early state has abated and there is even somewhat of a renaissance of traditional and religious observance among young Israelis.

But major conflicts in the religious arena remain unresolved. The ultra-orthodox ability to exploit the dysfunctional political system to extort concessions and grasp control of the state religious instrumentalities has led to enormous tensions and social conflict.

The hijack of the formerly national religious-controlled chief rabbinate by the ultra-orthodox – who despise the institution – has enabled them to impose their stringent control over major issues of marriage, divorce and conversion.  The power of the haredi parties in the government also allow them to maintain an educational system which eschews all secular studies, denying graduates the opportunity of acquiring a meaningful livelihood. Rabbis in the haredi Yeshivot enjoin their students to continue learning full time and discourage joining the national workforce. This has economic implications and dooms most haredim to poverty, dependence on welfare or on the earnings of their wives. Their adamant refusal to serve in the IDF has created enormous tensions and resentment by the majority of Israelis who demand that they share the national burden.

In addition, the excessive stringency and lack of compassion displayed by ultra-orthodox rabbis controlling conversion has not only created enormous bitterness but deters those not halachically Jewish from undergoing conversion. This has awesome long term implications, especially with the large numbers of Israeli-born children of parents who made aliyah from the former Soviet Union.

Regrettably, no rabbinical leader has emerged to replace the late Sephardi Chief Rabbi Ovadia Yosef whose standing and courage, despite fierce opposition, found a halachic solution which enabled the absorption of Ethiopian Jews. The Ethiopians posed far more complex halachic issues than children of mixed Russian unions who on the basis of Halacha are classified as Zerah Yisrael – and should have been treated more leniently than other applicants for conversion.

What has also frustrated most Israelis, secular and religious alike, has been efforts by the chief rabbinate to restrict the eligibility of rabbis officiating in marriage and conversion. This has been extended to the Diaspora where orthodox rabbis not endorsing the extremist approach are blacklisted and their conversions are rejected as halachically unacceptable in Israel. Such a level of centralized global control of the rabbinate is unprecedented. For 2000 years in the Diaspora, every community formed its own local rabbinical court for such purposes.

The Knesset sought to rectify such issues as the draft and compulsory core curriculum in the haredi school stream. But with the haredim holding the balance of power in the current government, these reforms were jettisoned.

Yet there is light at the end of the tunnel. Many ultra-orthodox rabbis today are a far cry from their fanatical pre-state “anti-Zionist” counterparts and realize that the current lifestyle of haredim revolving around study in the Kollel cannot be maintained. They are facing a financial ticking time bomb which can only be diffused by the haredim becoming fully integrated in the work force. And once that happens, the haredim will, in the course of time, likely emerge as a major positive contributor to Israel’s society at all levels.

Notwithstanding all its problems, Israel is at a pinnacle of success and our start-up nation boasts an incredibly strong economy. Ironically, despite being the only nation whose existence remains under threat and faces serious challenges, polls confirm that Israelis are among the happiest people in the world. The birth rate is higher than it has ever been with an increase of 195,000 over the past year and a Jewish population now reaching 6,400,000 – about tenfold the number in 1948 when the state of Israel was created.

The burgeoning waves of antisemitism are generating aliyah which is augmented by those settling in Israel by choice in order to enjoy a full Jewish life. The future of the Jewish people in Israel is assured and will continue to flourish.

In stark contrast, the status of Diaspora Jews is deteriorating. Between dramatically eroding identity and escalating intermarriage, combined with an explosion of global antisemitism, all Jewish communities face challenges of differing degrees that, at best, will decimate their numbers and their influence.

Yet, rampant antisemitism has not impacted on intermarriage. Indeed, it is clear that in an open society, campaigning against intermarriage on anything other than religious grounds is a lost cause and considered racist.

The statistics are horrendous. In the US, levels of intermarriage outside the Orthodox stream run as high as 80%. Only a minuscule number of children from these mixed marriages retain any meaningful Jewish life.

It is clear that if these trends continue – and they almost certainly will – we are witnessing an ongoing dramatic diminution in the number as well as the influence of American and other Diaspora Jewish communities, many of which have already been decimated.

The only exceptions are the Orthodox sectors who currently comprise only about 10% of the American Jewish community. They do not intermarry and have much higher birth rates than other Jewish streams (4.1 versus 1.7 children for the non-orthodox which is below the replacement rate).

Over the next decades as their numbers increase, it is they -– in their manifold approaches ranging from extremely insular ultra-orthodox Hasidim to the radical “open Orthodoxy” – who are likely to emerge as the most dominant sector of Diaspora Jewish life.

The PEW Survey notes a dramatic decline in synagogue affiliation and a major increase in the number of “secular” Jews. But this is misleading because there is no revival of secular culture and this “secular” category is, without doubt, primarily comprised of nominal or totally assimilated Jews.

Even if they classify themselves as Jews, the assimilated or offspring of mixed marriages express their “Judaism” by substituting genuine Jewish values with universal liberal objectives such as social justice, often referred to as “Tikkun Olam” – mending the world. This dispenses with particular Jewish objectives such as “tribalistic” support of Israel and ritualistic Jewish observances and turns to “prophetic Judaism” paying lip service to universal issues with no uniquely Jewish relevance.

Aggravating this is the extraordinary global re-emergence of antisemitism, the world’s longest and most enduring hatred.

Those who believed that after Auschwitz, antisemites would become an extinct species were deluded. The new round of antisemitism has been accelerated by the Islamic fundamentalists who have resurrected the worst Nazi propaganda and initiated campaigns denying the Jewish link with Israel, even condemning Israel for “Judaizing” Jerusalem its holiest site.

They are supported by traditional anti-Semites in Western countries, initially inhibited after the Holocaust, who have now come out of the closet in order to join the renewed Jew baiting.

The most negative force has been the global Leftist movement which adopted the demonization of Israel as a central component of its world outlook. At a time when the Middle East has sunk into a barbaric Dark Age – with countries imploding, millions slaughtered and displaced – progressives and “liberals” turned their wrath on Israel. They have allied themselves with the most brutal Islamic fundamentalist forces, betraying their commitment to human rights, engaging in the greatest slander in history by accusing Israel, the sole democratic state in the region, of having been born in sin, of engaging in the occupation and oppression of Palestinians, creating an apartheid regime and behaving like Nazis.

A witches’ brew of Islamic fundamentalists, the Left, and traditional indigenous antisemitic fringes of the extreme right have united in their shrill demonization and delegitimization of the Jewish state – which has today become a surrogate for traditional antisemitism. Whereas during the Middle Ages, the Jews were blamed for all natural disasters facing mankind, the Jewish state now occupies that role and is portrayed as one of the greatest threats to peace and global stability. The rapid global dissemination of this hate propaganda has been facilitated by the era of the internet and its social media.

In a pathetic attempt to appease the Moslem extremists in their own ranks and despite the extension of jihadi terrorism in the heart of their major European cities, European governments have intensified their campaigns against Israel.

Indeed, European passivity in the face of these antisemitic onslaughts is reminiscent of their indifference in the 1930s when the anti-Jewish campaigns were launched by the Nazis.

In Europe, the anti-Israeli/anti-Jewish campaigns are now a standard staple of the environment – especially in political discourse, demonstrations, and some of the vile media and talkback.  There is pressure on youngsters in schools – frequently guarded by military or security personnel – and in universities which have become cesspools of anti-Jewish bigotry. Jews have once again transformed been into pariahs making prospects for any meaningful Jewish life in Europe very bleak.

In the United States – although a far cry from Europe – the status of Jews since Obama assumed the reins of power has also undergone a dramatic transformation. From the outset, Obama was determined to ‘create daylight’ between the US and Israel and blame Netanyahu for the failure to move forward in peace negotiations. On occasions, he treated the Israeli Prime Minister worse than the leader of a rogue state. At the same time, he minimized the PA’s intransigence, incitement and terror. He criticized Israel’s efforts of self-defense during the Gaza war, accusing it of responding disproportionately to missiles launched by Hamas, and even applied moral equivalence to Israelis and those seeking to destroy us. His groveling to the leaders of the Iranian terrorist regime in the course of enabling it to assume regional hegemony and become a nuclear threshold power, created enormous tension with Israel and contributed to the regional chaos which has effectively brought about the collapse of Syria and Iraq.

This has profoundly impacted on the Jewish community, the bulk of whom nevertheless continue to support Obama. This is highlighted by the fact that the majority of the hitherto feisty and robust leadership failed to challenge any of Obama’s outrageous statements against Israel despite American public opinion, strongly influenced by the powerful pro-Israeli evangelical Christians, remains highly supportive of the Jewish state.

In addition, the growing hostility towards Israel emanating from the left wing in the Democratic Party is undermining the prevailing bi-partisan approach towards Israel. Currently, the polls show Republicans favoring Israel to Palestinians by a margin of 75 to 7 percent whilst Democrats favor Israel over Palestinians by only 43 to 29 percent – a substantial difference which continues to widen.

The Obama administration has also legitimized and encouraged the emergence of hitherto marginal Jewish groups like J Street and even more radical anti-Israeli factions promoting the impression that they, no less than the established leadership, represent the Jewish community.

This has encouraged renegade Jews to be at the forefront of the campaign to demonize and delegitimize Israel. They are at the vanguard of the BDS movement and demand the right to use Jewish platforms to promote their hatred. In some campuses they lead the anti-Israeli and anti-Semitic movements. They receive major exposure – disproportionate to their numbers – from the liberal media which fawns on them.

Jewish antisemitism is not a new phenomenon and can be traced back to Jewish apostates in the Middle Ages. During the 19th century Jews like Karl Marx were at the forefront of the worst Jew baiting. Russian Jewish Social revolutionaries even praised pogroms as a vehicle to create a revolutionary environment. There were no Jewish apologists for the Nazis because Hitler ejected Jewish collaborators. But Jews in the Yevsektsia – the Soviet Jewish communist cadres – were among the greatest persecutors of Jews, and Jewish communists defended and applauded Stalin’s crimes against the Jewish people and sought to deny or defend Soviet antisemitism.

Hence, Jews directly or indirectly supporting antisemites are not a new phenomenon. But in the past they were marginalized and rejected as outcasts. Their current embrace by liberals has emboldened them and discouraged mainstream Jewish leaders from confronting them. Today, Jewish pro BDS groups, claim that their anti-Israeli campaigns are motivated by their “Jewish” sensitivities and they have the gall to demand representation as an authentic component of the mainstream Jewish community.

Unfortunately, some establishment Jewish groups, most recently the Anti-Defamation League, seek to legitimize and include them “in the tent.” In so doing, they ignore the red lines which have been crossed by Jews having the chutzpah to claim to know better than Israelis what is in their best interests, and canvassing foreign governments to pressure the Jewish state on life and death security issues. There are also Hillel groups which, outrageously, provide campus platforms for these deviants to demonize the Jewish state.

Who are these Jewish anti-Israeli forces? A small percentage are alienated Jews who realize that entry into the citadels of the liberal glitterati obliges them to condemn Israel as an extension of imperialism born in sin. Many are attracted to the anti-Zionist chic because in student circles this approach provides them with social acceptability. Their leftist bona fides as Jews can only be upheld if they condemn Israel, the local Zionist Jewish establishment and the ‘narrow’ particularism of Jewish nationalism.

The majority are youngsters who are only nominally Jewish with no Jewish background. Many are the offspring of mixed marriages and lack any genuine sense of kinship with their fellow Jews. Their Judaism amounts to providing lip service to social justice. This applies especially to the younger, more assimilated elements for whom the Holocaust and the struggle to create the state of Israel are only history lessons. When interviewed in opinion polls, these nominal Jews deny their background because, by any objective criterion, many simply do not think as Jews.

Yet, the vast majority of committed Jews remain faithful to Israel. It is their leadership which has been disappointing. The American people overwhelmingly support Israel and committed Jews represent an influential community. Most of their leadership are devoted Zionists and friends of Israel and they should not have allowed themselves to be intimidated, and merely whisper or mutter about their anguish over the mistreatment of Israel. It is scandalous that today, the Zionist Organization of America is the only representative Jewish organization consistently speaking out against the Obama administration when Israel is being mistreated.

Committed American Jews should be spearheading a massive campaign, urging the US government and Congress to stand by Israel diplomatically in this time of need. The mainstream leadership should publicly condemn Jewish “liberals” who are subliminally or directly blaming Israel or extending moral equivalence to Israel with those seeking its destruction.

They should realize that if they fail to act against the possible abandonment of Israel by any administration and hesitate disassociating themselves from those Jews distancing themselves from Israel, history will record them as cowards who failed to stand up and be counted at what could be a crucial turning point in Jewish history.

To summarize: Israel remains under siege and is globally isolated but is powerful and prosperous. It faces a long term threat from Iran, but is better able to defend itself and deter its adversaries than at any time since it was created.

Internally, despite religious and social challenges and being burdened by a dysfunctional political system, Israel is – by far – the greatest national success story of the last 100 years and all trends signal further progress and national consolidation in the years to come.

In contrast Diaspora Jewry is experiencing various levels of crisis and the future looks bleak.

Conditions for Jews in Europe are likely to worsen as the impact of the new wave of Muslim refugees and immigrants strengthens existing antisemitic communities and exerts further pressure on lawmakers to intensify their anti-Israelism. The Jewish communities, which require armed guards for protection in schools and synagogues, will also continue to be the principal targets of jihadi terrorists in Europe. To raise children to be proud Jews in this environment is an almost impossible task.

Add to this the intermarriage statistics and desire of some Jews to relinquish their identity and merge into their national communities, it is clear that Jewish communities in Europe and South America will become decimated.

The situation in the US, Canada and Australia is less acute. But even there, the level of antisemitism has risen, the campuses are hotbeds of anti-Israeli and anti-Jewish incitement, and the liberal media has become hostile to Israel.

One can no longer argue that American Jewry is unique and immune from the tensions affecting other Diaspora communities. Despite the support of many evangelical Christians and public support for Israel, many Jews are concerned, insecure and sensitive to accusations of displaying dual loyalties.

More significantly, American Jewry is being decimated by intermarriage, sharply reducing its numbers and influence. There is also a dramatic polarization within American Jewry between the orthodox and reform with rapid erosion of the centrist groups like the Conservative movement.

In a reversal of roles, the future of the Diaspora is dependent on support from Israel. Israel will need to engage in global campaigns to strengthen the eroding Jewish identity. Programs like Birthright must be encouraged and intensified. Investment is required to provide higher levels of Jewish education which today is at an all-time low in communal Jewish literacy.

The fact is, that despite its many challenges, Israel is an extraordinary success story and will determine the future direction of global Jewry.

There will always be Jews living in the Diaspora.  Simon Rawidowicz referred to them as “the ever dying people”. But will they continue to enjoy vibrant communities?

Hopefully, aside from turning to Israel as a haven from persecution, increasing numbers of those sensitive to Jewish continuity, will also opt for aliyah or at least encourage their children to do so.

New Survey: Israeli and US Jews Differ Dramatically on What They See as Biggest Problem Facing Jewish State

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New survey finds that Jews in Israel and the US differ dramatically on what they view as the most important problem facing the Jewish state. Photo: Wikimedia Commons.

A new survey finds that Jews in Israel and the US differ dramatically on what they view as the most important problem facing the Jewish state. Photo: Wikimedia Commons.

Jews in Israel and the US differ dramatically on what they see as the most important problem facing the Jewish state, a Pew Research Center survey published earlier this week found.

According to the survey results, a clear majority — 66% — of American Jews believe the biggest future issue facing Israel stems from security threats, violence and terrorism. Only 38% of Israeli Jews feel the same way. Meanwhile, 39% of Israeli Jews say economic problems are the most significant future concern for their nation, a view held by only 1% of American Jews.

This finding, the survey said, “suggests that many Jews in the United States either don’t know much about Israelis’ day-to-day economic challenges or don’t worry much about them.”

The survey also found a wide gap in how Israeli and American Jews think about a potential Palestinian state. While 61% of American Jews feel that Israel and an independent Palestinian state can coexist peacefully, only 43% of Israeli Jews agree with them.

Furthermore, 52% of Israeli Jews believe the US is not supportive enough of Israel, while only 31% of American Jews concur with that sentiment.

On the issue of settlements, 42% of Israeli Jews think that Jewish communities in the West Bank bolster Israel’s security — an assessment shared by only 17% of American Jews.

Politically, only 8% of Israelis define themselves as left-wing. A majority — 55% — call themselves centrists, and 29% characterize themselves as rightists. For American Jews, the picture is entirely different — 49% left-wing, 29% center and 19% right-wing.

Netanyahu Defends ‘Vigorous’ Response to Anti-Settlement UN Resolution: ‘We Do Not Turn the Other Cheek; Enough of This Diaspora-Think; the World Respects Strength’

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Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Photo: YouTube screenshot.

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. Photo: YouTube screenshot.

“Israel is a country with national pride and we do not turn the other cheek,” Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu announced on Monday, as the Jewish state continued to institute punitive measures against the countries that backed the anti-settlement UN Security Council resolution adopted on Friday.

The prime minister rebutted media criticism of the actions Israel has taken since then, saying, “This is a responsible, measured and vigorous response — the natural response of a healthy people that is making it clear to the nations of the world that what was done at the UN is unacceptable to us.”

Furthermore, Netanyahu went on to say, “There is no alternative to a determined response because it is, in effect, creating the basis for a different approach in the future. Therefore, to describe our protest as a world war is ridiculous. I suggest — enough of this Diaspora-think. I tell you that there is no diplomatic wisdom in being ingratiating. Not only will our relations with the nations of the world not be harmed, over time they will only improve because the nations of the world respect strong countries that stand up for themselves and do not respect weak ingratiating countries that bow their heads.”

On Sunday, as The Algemeiner reported, Netanyahu said world leaders who issued Hanukkah greetings after supporting the “shameful” resolution do not understand the holiday’s meaning.

The point of Hanukkah, Netanyahu explained in a message posted on his Facebook page, is to “remember the victory of the Hasmoneans in a revolt against the Greeks, culminating with the miracle of the oil and the rededication of the Temple.”

“The battles that took place as part of the revolt happened right here, on both sides of the ‘Green Line,’ in the hills of Modi’in,” the prime minister noted. “The Hasmoneans purified the Temple and lit the menorah on the Temple Mount, which the same countries that supported the UN decision decided to call ‘occupied Palestinian territory.’”

Netanyahu continued, “How is it possible to offer us best wishes for Hanukkah and at the same time deny our deep connection to the Western Wall in Jerusalem and other places in our land?”

“In spite of the opposition of the UN Security Council, we were here and we will remain here,” he concluded.

In a Facebook post published on Tuesday, Netanyahu maintained his verbal assault on the UN, saying the global institution had “no legal justification for its decisions, only ignorance and malice.”

In Aftermath of Hurricane Harvey, Israel to Give $1 Million in Aid to Houston Jewish Community

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A flooded neighborhood in southeastern Texas following Hurricane Harvey. Photo: Wikimedia Commons.

Following the devastation wrought by Hurricane Harvey, the Israeli government is planning to provide $1 million in emergency aid to the Houston Jewish community, the Diaspora Affairs Ministry announced on Monday.

“The Jewish state is measured by its response when our brothers around the world are in crisis,” Diaspora Affairs Minister Naftali Bennett said on Monday. “The city of Houston was hurt badly last week, and the Jewish community, 70% of which lived in the flooded neighborhoods, was hit hard. Schools and synagogues were flooded and can’t be used. The old-age home and JCC were damaged, and hundreds of families will remain homeless.”

”From talks we’ve had over the past week with the heads of the community and Israel’s Consul General, we learned the damage is vast and the rehabilitation will take years,” Bennett continued. “For years the Jewish communities stood by Israel when it needed their help. Now it is our turn to stand by Houston’s Jewish community.”

According to the Diaspora Affairs Ministry, the money — to be disbursed by the Israeli Consulate in Houston — is earmarked to “help repair and restore the communal infrastructure (schools, synagogues and JCC) which are not funded or supported by the state.”

Where Does Israel Fit in a Jewish Future Without Faith?

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A haredi Jew blows a shofar at the Western Wall in Jerusalem’s Old City, Aug. 28. Photo: Yonatan Sindel / Flash90.

JNS.org – For Prime Minister Netanyahu’s political opponents, his government’s woes aren’t just an opportunity to score political points — they also provide easy-to-understand explanations for American Jewish attitudes toward Israel. Netanyahu’s critics use the negative developments or unpopular decisions associated with Netanyahu to rationalize and sometimes even justify the growing chasm between American Jews and Israelis.

But a new study about America Jewish identity gives the lie to this argument. According to the study the main reason for changing Jewish attitudes about Israel is rooted in faith, not politics.

A new study from the Public Religion Research Institute (PRRI) provides some sobering data about Jewish affiliation. Four years after the Pew Research Center published its “Portrait of Jewish Americans” — which detailed the toll that assimilation and intermarriage have taken on Jewish identity in this the US — the PRRI survey reveals that these trends have only accelerated.

Among the study’s insights is a breakdown of denominational loyalties. Overall, only 54 percent of Jews claim to be affiliated with one of the religious movements. Reform is the answer for 28 percent, 14 percent are Conservative, 10 percent are Orthodox and 2 percent are Reconstructionist. More than one third, 37 percent, say that they are “just Jewish.” Three percent claim to be “something else,” and six percent refuse to answer or say they don’t know.

But if you look only at Jews under 30, the numbers break down this way: Reform — 20 percent; Conservative — 8 percent; Orthodox — 15 percent; Reconstructionist — 3 percent; and just Jewish — 44 percent.

But the “just Jewish” tag doesn’t so much connote independence of synagogues, as it does a sense of Jewish identity devoid of religion or any true substance. A whopping 33 percent of Jews do not regard themselves as being Jewish by religion. That number expands to 47 percent for those under 30.

Pew called this demographic “Jews of no religion.” PRRI calls them “cultural Jews.” But either way, these are people whose connection to being Jewish appears to be mostly a matter of things like food, comedy or a belief that liberal political stands are the essence of their heritage. These numbers reflect not merely the collapse in synagogue attendance among the non-Orthodox, but also a declining sense of Jewish peoplehood.

In the US, rising rates of assimilation are a function of the collapse of the barriers between faiths. But the idea that a growing demographic in which Jewish traditions, law and faith is absent can sustain support for Israel is risible.

While it can be argued that a secular Jewish identity can be sustained in Israel — a country that speaks Hebrew, lives by the Jewish calendar and whose history is bound up in a past rooted in faith as well as ethnic identity, it’s a different story in the United States. Cultural Jews — or those without religion here — are far less likely to feel the tug of emotion that ties Jewish communities together, no matter what political issues divide them. The fact that the Orthodox are more likely to be supportive of Israel, and to view it as a litmus test when voting, makes this all the more obvious.

The issues that are driving American Jews away from Israel are much bigger than attitudes about the peace process or pluralism. The collapse of faith and peoplehood among US Jews has far more to do with declining support for Israel among the non-Orthodox than with Netanyahu’s or Israel’s faults. If American Jews are becoming a people without faith, then Israel is bound to be the loser — no matter what its government does.

Jonathan S. Tobin is opinion editor of JNS.org and a contributing writer for National Review. Follow him on Twitter at: @jonathans_tobin.


Did Trump Help the Israel-Diaspora Divide?

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The Israeli flag at Jerusalem’s Western Wall. Photo: Hynek Moravec via Wikimedia Commons.

JNS.org – If there’s one thing that the overwhelmingly liberal American Jewish community generally agrees on these days, it’s President Donald Trump. The vast majority of Jews are, for the most part, supportive of the anti-Trump “resistance.”

But a curious thing happened after Trump announced that the US is finally officially recognizing Jerusalem as the capital of Israel. Groups representing mainstream Jewish opinion, even those that are clearly liberal, like the Anti-Defamation League (ADL), applauded.

The key question, however, is whether this is a last gasp of the old pro-Israel establishment — or evidence of its continued strength.

Given the fact that most American Jews don’t like the current US administration and are not thrilled with the government in Jerusalem either, it wasn’t a given that a decision that was widely panned in the mainstream media would meet with approval from most Jewish groups.

While AIPAC was predictably favorable, the backing for Trump from the American Jewish Committee and the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations, an umbrella group that is often paralyzed by the ideological and denominational splits in American Judaism, was significant.

The favorable stand of the ADL was particularly important, because the organization has been prone to taking stands that smacked of partisanship — both against Trump and Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s government — since longtime leader Abe Foxman was replaced by former Obama staffer Jonathan Greenblatt. But rather than play politics over Jerusalem, the ADL welcomed Trump’s announcement.

This debate came only a week after the major dustup in which Israeli Deputy Foreign Minister Tzipi Hotovely criticized American Jews in an interview on the i24 News cable station. Many in both countries took this controversy — though overblown and the result of comments that have to some extent been taken out of context — as reason to start to writing off the Israel-Diaspora connection. But the willingness of so many mainstream Jewish groups to stick their necks out even a little bit for Trump can’t be dismissed.

Even in an American Jewish community that is probably less interested in Israel than it used to be, Jerusalem still means something. While most American Jews are not supportive of West Bank settlements, backing for Israel’s hold on Jerusalem is arguably still as much of a consensus issue in the US as it is in Israel. That Trump embraced the reality of Israel’s capital and the rights of the Jewish people to Jerusalem in a way that didn’t foreclose the theoretical (though unlikely due to Palestinian intransigence) possibility of a two-state solution helped shore up that consensus.

But while the support for Trump’s move is encouraging for those hoping to strengthen the bonds between American Jews and Israelis, celebrations must be tempered.

That groups that are primarily partisan Democrats — including most Jewish Democratic officeholders — would oppose Trump on Jerusalem or any issue is to be expected. The same is true of left-wing organizations like J Street, whose primary purpose was to serve as cheerleader for President Barack Obama’s effort to pressure Israel to make concessions — including on Jerusalem — or open anti-Zionists like Jewish Voice for Peace.

But the willingness of the Reform movement — the largest Jewish denomination in the US — to express “concern” because of its negligible impact on the dead-in-the-water peace process rather than support for Trump’s move was an ominous indication that all is not well in the relationship between Israel and American Jews. The same is true of the similar opposition from the small Reconstructionist movement and the initial silence from the Conservative movement on the issue.

If groups that require those studying for the rabbinate to spend a year in Jerusalem are not prepared to enthusiastically and openly back Israel’s rights there, it begs the question of how much they are being influenced by liberal politics that have nothing to do with the Middle East as well as by anger stemming from an understandable dismay about the lack of religious pluralism in Israel. Since these groups can claim to represent the bulk of affiliated Jews, there is still good reason to worry that the pro-Israel consensus is fraying, if not in danger.

Let’s hope that rank-and-file Jews in the pews and among the groups will send their leaders a message that whatever their views on Trump or other issues, the vast majority still maintain their solidarity with Israel on Jerusalem. For all of the warning signs of trouble, what Trump may have done is to signal that the emotional pull of Jewish affection for Israel’s capital is, at least for the moment, still capable of matching partisan fervor even in our hyper-partisan times.

Jonathan S. Tobin is editor in chief of JNS. Follow him on Twitter at: @jonathans_tobin.

How (and Why) Israel Must Bridge Its Gap with American Jewry

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A Torah scroll. Photo: RabbiSacks.org

JNS.org – Israeli society takes pride in high-achieving Jews, whether they live in Israel or in the Diaspora. We are even proud of émigrés who have success abroad. Nevertheless, it is difficult for Israelis to give up Zionist presumptions that Eretz Yisrael is the only place where Jews should live.

US Supreme Court Justice Louis Brandeis said that as Jews became American, they would also become more Zionist, and vice versa: the more Zionist they became, the more American they would be.

According to Brandeis, America is a nation of many nations. For America to realize its purpose as an open home for those with different national identities, it is important that Jews too preserve their unique national identity.

Most American Jews, and especially AIPAC, predicate their actions on this synthesis. Nobel laureate Elie Wiesel articulated this in a largely forgotten article that said: “In my view, it is self-evident that a Jew today can love both Israel and Diaspora Jews; he need not choose one camp over the other. … One who sets Israel in opposition to the Diaspora, or the Diaspora in opposition to Israel, will ultimately demolish both.”

The synthesis of Brandeis and Wiesel is alive and well in the United States.

The time has come to articulate a corresponding synthesis in Israel, based on the same premise — that the nation can and must develop on local, Israeli foundations, as well as on an international foundation.

The two Jewish centers must fully recognize one another. Just as American Jews become more loyal to their Americanness when they are also Zionist, so must Israelis espouse the notion that they can be more Jewish and more Zionist if they grant full recognition to American Judaism.

Full recognition of American Judaism means a return to full identification with the entire Jewish people, as it is. The next step is to celebrate the diverse ways in which the Jewish people are developing and flourishing. However, even if we do not identify with the liberal American Jewish majority, we have much to learn from its moral emphasis on a humanist Judaism and its effort to attract more Jews to Judaism voluntarily — from its enlistment on behalf of international human-rights causes, Jewish causes, and the State of Israel.

We have much to learn from the Jewish intellectuals who lead American neoconservatism, who combine liberal excellence with conservatism. There is even something to learn from the openness and high achievement of Modern Orthodoxy, and from the sustaining of a network of yeshivot without government support and the integration into the workplace of American haredim.

The next stage is to learn how to host invited guests. If the call by many Israeli leaders for American Jews to move to Israel — as Deputy Minister Tzipi Hotovely declared — is sincere, then it is necessary to create a welcoming environment. Immigrant absorption means creating a space in Israel where liberal Jews can feel comfortable.

If we believe in this and more — that the state of Israel is really the Jewish state and not just a state for Israelis — then the Western Wall (Kotel) compromise must be adopted, the issue of conversion must be considered, equal status must be granted to the liberal streams, and more steps must be taken.

Even in the case of piercing and occasionally vitriolic criticism of Israel, we need to differentiate between someone who criticizes Israel and one who negates it. It is easy to break off contact and retaliate, but even if this approach is justified, it is unwise. We must create a barrier between the two sides — engaging in dialogue and trying to persuade our critics, while isolating those who negate us. One who criticizes us and declares himself a supporter of Israel should be pushed away by the left hand, but brought closer by the right.

In moments of weakness, it is difficult for us to open our hearts and act sympathetically and generously. The ability to develop an open, inclusive, ungrudging approach does not relinquish belief in the justice of Zionism; rather, it is another sign of our self-confidence as Israelis and another wonderful example of Zionism’s success.

The time has come to articulate a new Zionist position that grants full recognition to the half of the Jewish people that lives in North America. This will help not only to mend the rift between Israel and US Jewry, but will create a new structure that can contribute to both.

Rabbi Dr. Shraga Bar-On is director of the David Hartman Center for Intellectual Excellence and a director of the Beit Midrash for Israeli Rabbis at the Shalom Hartman Institute in Jerusalem.

The Legacy of the Rebbe: We Must Never Give Up on Any Jew

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A Torah scroll. Photo: RabbiSacks.org.

JNS.orgThe Chabad-Lubavitch movement has been in the news recently due to a video clip of people laying tefillin at an airport.

I would like to discuss the movement’s impressive activity under its late leader the Rebbe — Rabbi Menachem Mendel Schneerson, who left us 24 years ago this Shabbat. His approach was characterized by a sense of responsibility for the entire Jewish people, as well as a concern for every Jew as an individual.

There is a saying attributed to Chabad founder Rabbi Shneur Zalman of Liadi: “A Jew must never despair, and we must never despair of any Jew.” Unlike other Hasidic leaders and yeshiva heads, Chabad’s target audience is not only its own followers. Its shluchim, or emissaries, reach out to “our Jewish brothers and sisters wherever they are.”

Those who see Chabad Hasids in the streets of teeming cities and tiny villages at the end of the world wonder from where this unparalleled sense of devotion comes. In an age of doubt and hesitation, it’s difficult not to wonder at their belief in the righteousness of their path and the great optimism with which they brim. Where does this untiring motivation come from?

The answer? The Rebbe.

According to the Rebbe, being a Hasid did not mean extra privileges — just the opposite. It carried responsibility. His Hasidim functioned as emissaries through whom he could reach every member of the Jewish faith. They are required to carry out the mission assigned by him.

The Rebbe lived his life as a model of uncompromising devotion. All his life, he saw himself as a representative of the previous Rebbe, his father-in-law Rabbi Yosef Yitzchak Schneersohn. The motif that repeated itself again and again in his talks was of great belief in every Jew and the mission of devotion that obligates every Jew and his envoys in particular.

This total commitment is seen in the call most identified with Chabad: “You shall spread abroad to the west and to the east and to the north and to the south” (Genesis 28:14). This means that Jews must work to spread Judaism and Hasidism without limits.

This is not simple. The Rebbe “endangered” his Hasids by exposing them to the wider world, to places where there is no holy atmosphere. Indeed, he was criticized for this in other Orthodox circles, Hasidic and otherwise.

Like every rabbinic leader of the modern age, the Rebbe faced the dilemma of how to lead his movement and whether to close ranks or open them up. He opted for a dialectic approach. On the one hand, he followed tradition and was unprepared to accept any compromise on ideology or Jewish law. On the other hand, he adopted technological innovations and some modern values, and saw them as tools for his holy work rather than a threat. This was also how he perceived Jewish secularism: He neither shut himself off from it nor accepted it as a good thing. He simply emphasized the obligation to the commandment to love the Jewish people.

Indeed, Chabad Hasidism broke through barriers to raise Jewish consciousness around the world. US-born yeshiva boys became teachers in Morocco; Habad seminary girls from France went to teach in Tunisia; families opened Jewish schools in the East and the West, and founded Habad centers on university campuses. After the Rebbe’s death in 1994, Rabbi Aharon Lichtenstein, head of the Har Etzion Yeshiva, eulogized him with these words: “He cared.”

“Not in the narrow sense of caring about his own home, his own interests, but seeing the big picture,” said Lichtenstein, “caring enough to see things in historical and national contexts.”

Professor Rabbi Yitzhak Kraus teaches at the Midrasha branch of the Ludwig and Erica Jesselson Institute for Advanced Torah Studies at Bar-Ilan University in Ramat Gan.

Constructive Dialogue Remains Critical to Moving American Zionism Forward

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The Western Wall and Temple Mount in Jerusalem. Photo: Wikimedia Commons.

JNS.org — For Israelis, Zionism is part and parcel of the national experience, regardless of religious or political affiliation. Yet in America, where Judaism has been undergoing a crisis of apathy and assimilation, the concept of Zionism often lacks the same strong associations.

In fact, previously automatic bipartisan support for Israel is now being challenged in today’s polarized political climate. Efforts to isolate and expel Israel on college campuses and in international forums like the United Nations — coupled with a decades-old stalemate between Israelis and Palestinians — further confuse some Jewish Americans as to the merits of strongly connecting to the Jewish national movement.

The more than 25 member organizations of the American Zionist Movement span from right to left on the political spectrum, and from secular to religious. They often have strong disagreements with each other on key issues, including the merits of promoting a two-state solution — a now less popular paradigm among Israelis and Palestinians. In addition, many of the member groups have disagreements with the policies of Israel’s right-wing government.

Progressive religious movements in America have recently launched vocal opposition to certain Israeli policies, including the location of access points to a mixed-gender prayer section at the Western Wall.

At the head of the AZM is Richard Heideman, a lawyer whose firm has secured hundreds of millions of dollars in settlements for victims of terror.

For Heideman, Zionism is not just a passion, but a family affair. His wife Phyllis is president of “March of the Living,” the international organization that has brought more than 250,000 people on the two-mile march from Auschwitz to Birkenau to learn firsthand about what took place in Nazi concentration camps. Today, their daughter Ilana runs the Israel Forever Foundation, which the Heidemans created 15 years ago to develop content focused on positive Israel engagement, often on key geopolitical issues.

Heideman believes that despite the political disagreements that often threaten to polarize Israel supporters, it’s still possible to rally organizations around the “commonalities” that bind support for the Jewish state.

“Some believe it is impossible to have [a] constructive dialogue within the American Jewish community,” Heideman said. “AZM is working to make it possible to share ideas. And some of our members even change their minds when engaging in that dialogue.”

“It is a major challenge, but it is worth the fight to sit in the same room to have dialogue together,” he said.

He noted that the member organizations comprising the American Zionist Movement come from “across the spectrum of Jewish life in the US. Some of the larger organizations that are included are Hadassah, B’nai Brith, and the Jewish National Fund. Religious streams include Arza, Mercaz, Religious Zionists of America, and the Zionist Organization of America. There are some on the progressive left, including Armenu and Progressive DPI, that have views totally opposed to ZOA,” according to Heideman.

An estimated three million Jews belong to member organizations that are part of the AZM. “That approximates half of the American Jewish community,” says Heideman. “The central core for all of them is their commitment to Israel as Zionists.”

“A bastion of democracy in the Middle East”

AZM has recently launched a “Zionism Forward” initiative based on principles established by its parent World Zionist Organization and established through close coordination with leaders of the various member organizations and other large Jewish organizations, including the Jewish Agency.

Among the principles promoted by AZM are “aliyah, as well as ulpan ivrit [immersive Hebrew-language study] or teaching of Hebrew as our ancient language,” says Heideman.

Heideman notes that most Americans “heavily support Israel” and appreciate the Jewish state “as a bastion of democracy in the Middle East, promoting an environment of tolerance, equality, freedom, and respect for differences. It is, I believe, those who take a political approach that often skewers … attitudes and results in expressions that are damaging to Israel, to Zionism, and to the Jewish people.

“The single major challenge we face is that of seeking unity within the Jewish community, while appreciating diversity and allowing each to have their own differing opinions on key issues,” explains Heideman. “As president now for one year, my administration has worked to secure a place at the table for respectful dialogue for everyone who views themselves to be Zionist [and] to [make them] feel comfortable to express their differing viewpoints.”

While there is room for disagreement, for Heideman there still need to be red lines. For him, some of them are personal. “Antisemitism is a red line, denying the Holocaust, and for me, boycotts of Jewish businesses are also a personal red line,” he says.

“I look back in history to 1933, when boycotts against Jewish businesses started as part of the Nuremburg laws. In that context, the legalization of hate is something I find deplorable, unacceptable, and not to be countenanced within the American Jewish community.”

Heideman and his wife were activists in the 1970s, fighting against the United Nations’ “Zionism equals racism” resolution. Heideman believes that now, 40 years later, a great deal of work is still needed to advance Israel’s cause at the United Nations.

“The UN has been a hotbed of hate toward Israel in all quarters,” he says. “That hate and bias toward Israel often occurs because of politics, rather than the true policy implications of various sets of facts.”

“A unifying force”

Recently, AZM hosted 40 UN ambassadors on trips to Poland and Israel. Some went to Auschwitz as part of the 30th annual “March of the Living” program, and then moved on to Israel for 70th-anniversary celebrations, where they were able to witness the nation’s religious diversity and access to holy places, in addition to visiting flashpoints such as the Gaza border.

“Bringing UN ambassadors under the banner of AZM, in my view, was in keeping with [our] focus on respectful dialogue, and a truthful exhibition of policy issues and policy differences,” says Heideman, noting that the tours allowed the ambassadors to “draw their own conclusions to make informed decisions at the UN, where it is one country, one vote — where every opinion matters.”

Heideman believes that both within America’s Jewish community and outside of it “we can rally around the rich heritage that the Jewish people, in the spirit of Zionism, have made to the world, with pride and with a commitment to making the world a better place.”

To help bridge the growing gaps between Israeli and American Jewry, he suggests that Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu convene a conference with the leadership of the American Jewish community.

“By bringing people together on pride — that can be a unifying force,” says Heideman. “I believe that with hard work by people across the spectrum, we can create a new vision of Zionism that will set forth a visionary resurgence of Zionism for the next 50 years and beyond, as we build an even better future for Israel and the Jewish people.”

Jewish NGO Presses Israeli Cabinet on Need for Greater Outreach to Diverse Diaspora

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Israeli Prime inister Benjamin Netanyahu leads the weekly government conference at the Prime Minister’s Office in Jerusalem on June 24, 2018. Photo: Marc Israel Sellem/POOL.

JNS.org – The Jewish People Policy Institute presented its 2018 Annual Assessment of the Situation and Dynamics of the Jewish People earlier in the week to the Israeli cabinet.

According to the JPPI, the ongoing close relationship with the Trump administration, coordination with Russia in Syria, and improving relations with India and China have all been good developments for Israel over the past year. However, the increasing Russian influence in the Middle East, US desires to leave the region and Europe, as well as growing populism present challenges for Israel going forward. At the same time, the Trump administration’s possible peace plan also presents an uncertainty for Israel.

A bulk of the discussion also focused on the challenges faced by Israel and the Jewish people, including concern over the widening gap between Israel and certain segments of the global Jewish community, such as non-Orthodox and progressives, as well as the concern in maintaining bipartisan support for Israel.

“For the first time in its history, Israel is becoming a partisan political issue. This is not yet evident in the US Congress, but it becomes increasingly evident among the general American public and dealing with this is a strategic imperative,” said JPPI co-chair Stuart Eizenstat.

JPPI president Avinoam Bar-Yosef Bar-Yosef stressed that besides investing in the non-Orthodox community, “we can’t ignore millions of identified Jews in the general Jewish community, and Israel should encourage the growing Orthodox public to engage in politics and public service on the national level because as they grow numerically, the burden of the Jewish future rests on their shoulders.”

Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu acknowledged knowing that “non-Orthodox and progressives have some concerns.”

“Contrary to popular opinion, it is not true that I am writing off liberals, Democrats and non-Orthodox Jews,” he said. “We know we have a problem. The Kotel [Western Wall] issue will be solved, and we are very close to doing it but the conversion issue is more complicated politically.”

Other cabinet members echoed Netanyahu’s call for greater outreach. Interior Minister Aryeh Deri (Shas) also agreed that it was imperative not to disregard non-Orthodox Jews, while Education and Diaspora Affairs Minister Naftali Bennett suggested the government invest an additional 1 billion shekels in young generations in the Diaspora.

Eizenstat also suggested that Israel leverage its own diverse communities to foster outreach to Hispanic, Asian and African-American communities.

The cabinet discussion comes as Isaac Herzog, former Israeli Opposition Leader, has been elected as the new leader of the Jewish Agency for Israel. Among Herzog’s top priorities is to bridge the gap between Israel and Diaspora Jewry.

In recent years, relations between the Israeli government and Diaspora Jewry have been strained due to a number of issues, including egalitarian prayer at the Western Wall, as well as the Israeli Rabbinate’s control over Jewish conversion and marriage.

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